Political Corruption, Business and Reform
By Cristian Ramirez
University of Mindanao
FOUCAULT AND
CORRUPTION
The Greek
philosopher Thales is remembered for his cosmology, in which water forms the
basic material principle of an orderly universe. Over the course of time, it
was Anaximenes who said that the essential element for the universe is air.
Many other pre-Socratics declare the inconsistencies of these thinkers and
created their own. Until such time that Empedocles proclaims that the universe
is made up of four fundamental elements namely, the earth, air, fire and
water. Thus far the discovery of atoms
by Democritus and Leucippus led to the new conception of the origin of
universe. Now we rely heavily on what is said by the famous thinkers about the
world. When Newton said that in every action, there is always an equal but
opposite reaction, we tend to wait for a reaction as a consequence to the
action we’ve done prior. When Pascal said that love has its own reasons in
which reason itself does not understand, well, we don’t try to understand love,
we just feel it as we cannot know what reasons it has to take.
And when P-noy
(Pres. Aquino) said that ‘our country has zero remaining balance,’ the majority
of the Filipino people would just sit at their own safety and mutter, “oh how
pity our destiny is”. The point is that all characters involved in these
examples have given their full authority to investigate the world and thus make
these to be scientifically approved or if not, our common-sense perspective
even tells us that what they say has somehow a trace of truth. They gave us
their perception about the world and thus shape our knowledge. But the last
example is an exception. When P-noy says that we have the diminishing value of
peso and that we lose our economy, most of us bring ourselves to a safe zone where
our awareness to such case is highly neglected. I mean we see riots and rallies
over television, but they just constitute little fragments of the Filipino
people (I don’t intend however to make ourselves rally over the streets). The
majority of us blame these leaders for bringing us down, but what do we do when
we see them doing the wrong thing? We go with them; we do the same. That is the
reason why there is a never-ending quest for development.
Michel
Foucault is quite a reformist. He critically sees the development of science in
a different perspective. The body, as Foucault calls it, is an ‘automaton’.
Being docile, it is subject to repression. The will or man’s rationality can
never be taken hold of that is why it is the body that is subjugated and
controlled. The body has been the target of penal repression during olden
times. But because of the advent of humanization, punishment that is directed
to the body disappeared. Humanists posit that we should do away from brutal and
vulgar punishment. With the ‘modern rituals’, torture becomes no longer a
public spectacle. Also, the disappearance of pain was strongly imposed.
Foucault believes that in order to transform the condemned, it must be the soul
that must be subjugated. This translates into the very idea of reform. The
‘prison system’ was invented in order to address this concern. But does the
state have the legitimacy with regards to dominion and power? Why does the
state impose punishment? The state, as the governing body, puts forward the
welfare of its citizens. Policies are therefore imposed so that people will
submit to authority. And if individuals break the rules, he is then entitled to
a certain legal punishment. Punishment, hence, is used in order to make
manifest the whole concept of power.
Now, what is
the implication of this? The soul is said to be the prison of the body. As it
makes possible the existence of the body, it becomes the very factor by which
power manifests itself. The basis of knowledge is ‘power relation’. As Foucault
claims, epistemology is latent in the society that we have. Knowledge and power
directly imply each other. It is power which produces knowledge. There is no
power without a correlative constitution of a field of knowledge; nor any
knowledge that is not constitutive of power. There is therefore a
‘power-knowledge’ relation. Foucault describes knowledge as being a conjunction
of power relations and information-seeking. He states, “It is not possible for
power to be exercised without knowledge, it is impossible for knowledge not to
engender power” (Foucault 1980, 52).
The
conventional understanding of knowledge, and particularly scientific knowledge,
is that it is shaped by a series of isolated creative geniuses, for example,
Newton and Pascal. They are characterized as exceptional people who were able
to transcend the conventional ideas of their period and who were able to
formulate completely new ideas and theoretical perspectives. Same with
corruption, our knowledge of it is what the situation tells us to be as it is.
Our knowledge of political corruption is not what the original definition of it
signifies. Political corruption means an abuse of public power for private
benefit but the way the status quo reacts to it is quite the opposite. Our
supposedly reaction to this act is negative but we become blissful the moment
the concept of corruption is applied to us. Instead of limiting the definition
of corruption to ‘private benefits’, I guess, the private that is already meant
here is a ‘public-private’, that is, almost all of us take advantage of things
surrounding us by means of corruption.
“Thus, where
there are imbalances of power relations between groups of people or between
institutions/states, there will be a production of knowledge” (Mills 2003, 69).
While there is an overwhelming influence of the wealthy or the authority in our
society, then our society is in turn shaped by the very prominence of these
people. In the case of election for public office for example, there are of
course wealthy politicians who give money or whatever ‘gifts’ it is to the
people in return for their support to that certain politician. Then the
knowledge that will be produced in our consciousness is that these rich
individuals can only run for office because in reality, they are the ones who
have the sole capability to bribe, to give gifts to the people. That would then
be the measure of these affluent individuals for winning the election.
Then why are
all of us accountable to political corruption? Why not the politicians only?
Foucault characterizes power/knowledge as an abstract force which determines
what will be known, rather than assuming that individual thinkers develop ideas
and knowledge. Our generation of knowledge according to Foucault has been based
to the authority because for him, the subject who knows, the objects to be
known and the modalities of knowledge must be regarded as so many effects of
[the] fundamental implication of power-knowledge and their historical transformations.
In short it is not the activity of the subject of knowledge that produces a
corpus of knowledge useful or resistant to power, but power-knowledge, the
processes and struggle that traverse it, and of which it is made up, that
determines the form and possible domains of knowledge. (Foucault 1991, 27–28)
Corruption
becomes existent because of the power relation that occurs between the
politician and the civilian or the agent and the private citizen.
Foucault contends that rather than knowledge being a pure search after ‘truth’, in fact, power functions in that processing of information which results in something being labeled as a ‘fact’. For something to be considered to be a fact, it must be subjected to a thorough process of ratification by those in positions of authority. Such is the case for political corruption where we do not see the clear picture that it implies a long term negative effect to the economic progress of the society. We only see the positive consequence that comes out of it.
Political
corruption has become beneficial because of the way we all react to it
positively. Our acceptability to corruption is what makes it normative. The
politicians shape our conception of corruption. They give us money, and then we
become happy. But the thing is when we try to deliberate the long term effect
that it brings to us, sure enough that it collapses the value of perseverance
and willful determination in our society. It deteriorates the very essence of
political corruption as totally defined towards positivity, thus making
political corruption beneficial.